As the first term of Hong Kong's opposition-free legislature ends, a third of its members are not seeking re-election. Even the city's last self-described "non-establishment" lawmaker is quitting, citing a lack of diverse voices and Beijing's "red lines."
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| Lawmaker Tik Chi-yuen holds a sign reading "the will of the people, the path of governance" (Tommy WANG) |
HONG KONG – On their last day at work, Hong Kong's lawmakers posed for group pictures, celebrating what they described as a job well done. As the first cohort chosen under Beijing's "patriots administering Hong Kong" mantra, they had presided over four years of politics entirely free of a formal opposition.
But despite the celebratory atmosphere, a quiet exodus is underway. Around a third of the 90-member legislature will not seek another term in December's election.
Among those bowing out is Tik Chi-yuen, a veteran social worker and the chamber's sole self-described "non-establishment" figure. His departure, observers say, symbolizes the final failure of attempts to moderate the system from within.
"It used to be that (the legislature) had the benefit of free expression," said Tik, 67, comparing the current environment to his experience as a rookie lawmaker in the 1990s under British rule. "Now it is more uniform. There are multiple voices, but they are not diverse enough."
Tik's departure reflects a stark new reality, say scholars: four years after Beijing's overhaul, Hong Kong's legislative chamber no longer tolerates even the mildest dissent.
"A lot of the speeches have an echo chamber effect," said Kenneth Chan, a political scientist at Hong Kong Baptist University. "The culture is monotonous, and those who are relatively lively have given up re-election."
From "Red Lines" to "Rubber Stamps"
This new legislature is a direct product of Beijing's electoral overhaul in 2021, which was designed to ensure only "patriots" could hold office. The reforms followed the massive and sometimes violent pro-democracy protests of 2019 and the subsequent imposition of a sweeping National Security Law (NSL) in 2020.
The city, which once had two decades of spirited opposition politics that grew into a powerful pro-democracy coalition, saw that entire movement wiped out.
When Tik began his four-year term, he vowed to get fellow lawmakers to debate the hot-button issue of universal suffrage to elect Hong Kong's leader a core demand of the 2019 protests.
"I very much regret that I was unable to propose that motion," he said, admitting he had been too optimistic. "There are red lines after the imposition of the national security law. Whether you like it or not, that's the reality."
While departing lawmakers like Tik cite a lack of political space, others have given more standard reasons, such as age or party strategy. More than a dozen lawmakers declined to be interviewed by AFP for this story.
City leader John Lee last week defended the system, criticizing those who "intentionally distorted" the candidate lineups and adding it was "natural" for Beijing authorities to "express their care" on electoral issues.
"Efficiency" vs. Accountability
For pro-establishment veterans, the new system is a resounding success. Lo Wai-kwok, 72, who is seeking re-election, said he much preferred the new model over the "filibuster tactics" adopted by opposition "saboteurs" in the 2010s.
"We have become more efficient in reviewing the government's proposals, funding applications, and bills," Lo told AFP.
By the numbers, he is correct. In terms of bills passed, the latest cohort was the most productive legislature since 2004.
Andrew Leung, the outgoing president of the legislature, denied the institution had become a "rubber stamp." "If we are a rubber stamp, we will not propose so many comments," Leung said, referring to the thousands of suggestions made during the approval of a homegrown national security law last year which ultimately passed with unanimous support.
But critics argue this "efficiency" has come at the cost of accountability. An NGO-affiliated policy researcher, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said lawmakers had become "passive."
"Overall, the lawmakers asked far fewer questions. This affected the transparency of various public policies," the source said, noting a significant drop in scrutiny during the vetting of government budgets.
The public appears to agree. A September survey by a local think tank showed that only 30 percent of residents were satisfied with the legislature's performance, while 50 percent said they were not.
A Test of "Mobilisation"
The upcoming election in December is set to cement this new reality. The 2021 election the first under the "patriots" system saw a record-low turnout of just 30 percent.
It also saw the rise of candidates with little local political experience but strong ties to mainland China, nicknamed "national team" politicians. This trend is expected to continue.
The race will once again be devoid of any meaningful opposition. The two largest pro-democracy parties are gone: the Civic Party disbanded in 2023, and the Democratic Party is winding down, its most prominent leaders either in jail, in exile, or having left politics.
"Traditionally, more than half of Hong Kong voters supported pro-democracy parties. It is hard to imagine they felt closely connected to the legislature created in 2021," said political scientist Kenneth Chan.
With the outcome a foregone conclusion, Chan said the government's focus is now on one thing: turnout. Officials are pulling out all the stops to encourage voting.
"When every candidate is a patriot, and many of them belong to the 'national team'... then the (turnout) reflects the government's ability to mobilise," he said. "And not the public's level of interest."